Governance and the Depoliticisation of Development (Routledge/GARNET series)
The idea was to find out if the EU was seen as conceiving of security narrowly i.
The means of the three target groups were again located around 7, i. The fact that the answers ranged from 1, 2 or 3 at one end of the scale to 9 at the other shows how different the perceptions of the EU are. Further research is required to differentiate more clearly between the two viewpoints. This is particularly crucial with regard to an understanding of the views of security experts on a specifically European security culture.
A number of key characteristics prevail. However, civil servants ranked them fourth. While the picture for again has terrorism as the main threat for MEPs and security experts, civil servants rate environmental threats and pandemics first and second. They indicated, however, that the distribution of defence budgets does not meet the security requirements of the external environment, with too little being spent on procurement, research and development, and modernisation efforts.
A more differentiated picture emerges on the question of whether a weaker NATO would lead to a retrenchment of US commitment to European security. Whereas civil servants see such a development as unlikely, MEPs see it as likely, and security experts are split on this issue. Nevertheless, all three categories place a very high premium on US commitment to European security. References Baldwin, D. Hill, C. Keukeleire, S.lokundthapad.tk
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Kirchner, E. Krause, K. Meyer, C.
Smith, M. Its use within debates concerning regional contexts — for instance, the European Union EU — has resulted in several interesting works, which demonstrate its relevance in the field of international relations. I would add that the identity is not just a concept but, considering its dynamic and situational aspects, actually a scheme of reference for action and of meaning for communication Bello 10—11, 15, 24; Holzner ; Schutz Thus it can explain to those members who share it what the boundaries of their actions are and how to communicate this to others. On the basis of my previous study Bello , , I would also say that identity depends not only on a situation, but also on the particular interactions which take place between actors in a specific context Bello 10— In other words, amongst the various elements which compose the scheme of reference and the meanings through which an actor expresses itself, those used in a specific context depend on the interactions which actually takes place there.
According to this view, the EU identity, like any identity, interacts with that of others and adapts itself by reacting to what they say and do, and according to the idea that the EU itself has of the others. Put simply, interregionalism may not only represent the conjoining of two independent regions, but may be regarded as a process whereby, through their mutual interaction, the regions of East Asia and Europe come to recognize themselves as such.
Indeed, we can understand the limits of possible interactions because they are established by the frames given by the schemes of reference and meanings described above. This is exactly what this chapter intends to do. Using this analysis I can explain the interactions between the actors involved and what can be expected in future situations.
Bello power of Europe could suffer. The empirical findings show that this has not happened, as argued by Whitman In this chapter I suggest that the EU, far from denying its normative approach, uses it rationally to achieve its goals and to spread what is a different model of global governance compared with that which follows from the advanced capitalistic model of unregulated liberalism and globalisation.
In other words, the EU is proposing its own interpretation of the liberal agenda. However, the EU has a problem caused by its inability to be frank about the fact that the search for what it considers a better, regulated globalisation, to be achieved by a normative approach to global governance, cannot have negative reverberations on its societies. Otherwise it will seem an oral opportunistic talk which is then belied by what is actually done. In this chapter I will illustrate, by investigating identity perceptions and interactions, if in Africa and Asia there is agreement with this model and room for its implementation.
Arguments are codified and then related to other assertions and those taken into consideration in the analysis are those more interrelated to the most frequent codes sensitising concepts , which direct the theoretical explanations of events Blumer ; Bowen ; Lincoln and Guba Indeed, trade is the area in which the EU has brought most criticism upon itself in recent years. In the ten press release documents of the TWN analysed, the main condemnations regard the fact that the EU is supposed to use aggressive trade strategies TWN, 15 October , 23 January and that it uses the Green box4 in order to increase the international competitiveness of its food sector TWN, 31 October , 24 August This is because the network concentrates on the World Trade Organisation WTO rounds, and meetings, reports, news and positions produced in that context.
Therefore its perspective on the EU is influenced by the disputes that the EU has had in loco in recent years and, particularly by the interruption of the Doha round.
This is also the main source of criticism of the EU made by the African Union, as will be outlined in the next section. Another aspect of the EU criticised by the TWN is its use of environmental and social clauses and the conditionality included in its agreements. These allow the EU to suspend agreements if a state does not respect the principles established in particular clauses, an element of the EU approach that the TWN does not appreciate at all. Unfortunately, this is a difficult point to resolve, because the EU cannot avoid such conditionality without betraying its principles, values and interests.
The EU — as a regional institutional player — is committed to protecting the environment and social rights both within its territory and globally. This fact — a consequence of the European social model and identified by Derrida and Habermas, and by Antony Giddens Habermas and Derrida ; Giddens as the main feature of the EU — is an important characteristic of its activity, policy and identity Bello A different approach from the EU to these questions is hard to imagine. Is this problem irresolvable? It seems just a question of the EU needing to manifest itself and its values with sufficient certainty?
The EU seems to speak with ambiguity, because it does not make clear that its international strategies simply do not coincide with the process of unregulated globalisation, nor with the WTO regulated globalisation process. Bello The criticism would carry no weight if the EU affirmed its own identity coherently, firmly and without double standards. European regional integration started in the economic sector. It has imposed a distributive system based on solidarity amongst members, through its social dimension, and in particular the European Social Fund and the structural funds.
Farrell et al. Unfortunately, this EU attitude is discredited by double standards and lack of clarity. The above mentioned criticisms hold until the EU clearly expresses its position and stops trying to please everybody, ending up pleasing nobody. The double talk is also considered in other chapters in this volume:5 it is the main argument against the EU from the perspective of developing countries and discredits the EU as an actor operating normatively in the field of international relations.
This will not help the EU to improve its relations with developing countries. A similar problem concerns the human rights issue. Considering documents and press releases produced in —08 by Amnesty International AI — one of the most well known and respected NGOs in this field — about EU activities in particular in Africa and Asia but also on European soil , the EU is seen to have two sides. On the one hand, it is constantly asked by Amnesty International to defend human rights in various part of the world, frequently in Africa and Asia. However, the other main factor that emerges from the analysis is the demand that the EU should solve the human rights issues it has on its own territory, mainly with minority communities for instance, the Roma in Italy; violations of the human rights of immigrants in several European countries; and gender issues — the lack of freedom for, and crimes against, gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender people — in Poland and Latvia AI, 15 November , 12, 20 June With the exception of this criticism, the EU is shown to be a staunch ally of NGOs such as Amnesty International, thanks to its activities in support of human rights around the world activities often possible because of the conditionality criticised by the WTO delegations and the TWN.
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The European Parliament, as Amnesty International points out AI, 30 April , has spoken several times in support of concrete action to protect human and minority rights even within the EU itself. The main problems here are thus the contradictions within some EU member states, depending on whether they are acting at the Brussels or the national level. These examples contradict the assurances presented by the Polish President during his visit to Brussels in August.
AI, 15 November para. AI, 12 June para. South Korea also considered a parliamentary bill to ban capital punishment. The documents analysed were produced from to and concern the meetings occurred between these regional players. In the analysis I have taken the different sources into account. These frames are then useful tools for the interpretation of future circumstances, because they consist of the elements which configure relations between players, and around which relations and behaviours are organised.
These are: first the increase of regional integration in the two areas concerned and research on security and peace. Then, secondly, development and the definition of common interests in the context of international relations. However, the EU also shows fundamentally different attitudes towards its partners in Africa and in Asia. Therefore these are the two frames that the EU has of these two areas. Taking this fact into consideration, the realisation of a memorandum of understanding on exchange of staff between the two institutions AU—EU, 26 September looks like an attempt by the EU to help the African Union to reach maturity and gain experience, a measure in line with the EU objective of contributing to the development of regional integration processes around the world.
Consequently, a frame which guides the action of this area in relation to the EU can be traced, as can be done with the Asian regions. However, the AU is more critical of the EU in several respects, and seems to use it principally as a source of funding and economic development assistance. It is impossible to establish where this particular dynamic begins; if it is because the EU degrades the AU by considering it as a junior actor to be helped and supported and the AU therefore acts on this base and uses the EU just as a source of funding; or vice versa: if it is because the fact that the AU just asks for financial support that the EU belittles its role.
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It is worth noting that, since the AU strongly criticised the EU at the end of and in January , things have changed. This was of course a signal to the EU, and it clearly indicates that Africa—China relations are a sensitive point for the EU, and the AU knows this and turns it to advantage. On the other hand, in Asia, we have to distinguish the different role that the European regional integration process has had for the distinct Asian regions. To sum up, stocktaking of the accomplishments of the Asia—Europe Meeting ASEM in its first decade inevitably leads to the conclusion that the dialogue forum has not entirely lived up to the initial expectations and has not been exploited to the full.
In the eyes of Asian countries, what has been done within ASEM is good, taking into account the expected lack of interest on the part of huge countries such as China and India in multilateral action. The modest recommendations above propose piecemeal changes to answer some of the main criticisms and challenges identified during the research.
The ASEM process is one such framework, and several issues such as those highlighted in the recommendation need to be addressed with urgency and tenacity. In the ASEAN— EU dialogue, it is said that the only successful way to combat terrorism is through reciprocal respect for and understanding of culture and the possibility of building upon common interests in the global arena. In a joint statement of March The Ministers reaffirmed their commitment to combat terrorism in accordance with international obligations, the UN Charter and general norms of international law, including respect for human rights and humanitarian law.
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In this connection, the Ministers emphasized the importance of addressing the root causes of terrorism and avoiding the identification of terrorism with any particular religion or ethnic group or nationality. Therefore, drawing parallels between the two most advanced regional integration processes in Asia and in Africa — the AU and ASEAN — the findings show that the EU was able to convince its partners to base their international strategies on the construction of regional integration processes and the search for peace and stability; pursuing economic and social wealth through these means.
Consequently, the EU is successful in presenting its regional integration process as a model to be imitated in such areas. Despite the greater physical distance, mutual understanding with South East Asian countries appears to be easier than with Africa. The EU possibility to convince also other Asian countries to undertake important regional initiatives depends on its ability to be fully successful in other areas, and mainly in Africa. Nevertheless, there is still a challenge between different visions: the unregulated globalisation and the European social model. Conclusion Until the beginning of this century — or at least until the end of the Cold War — the European social model could be considered an alternative to US capitalism.
Therefore the EU environmental and social clauses are first of all tools to protect European interests, identity and beliefs. They are also principles that protect societies and the environment. Thus, while being an integral part of the European normative approach towards international relations and the international economy, the clauses system also contributes to an approach to welfare which considers not only economics but also social aspects of life and the environment.
In doing so, it is clear that the EU is also protecting its own territory and its societies. But the EU is also convinced that this behaviour does not really harm the poorest countries. The EU considers that African and Asian states will not damage their citizens by respecting social and environmental clauses, as well as political conditionality. The real problems are communicating this logic clearly and firmly and avoiding double standards. Bello Europe are caused by some European member states and not by the EU itself, but how can one insist on these clauses internationally if the EU is not able to enforce them within its own territory?
Issues concerning immigrants, minorities, gender and sexual orientation still have to be resolved within European countries and by some European governments in particular. Notes 1 This is not an exhaustive list, but on the question of European identity in particular it is worth consulting: Burgess , Cerutti and Lucarelli , Delanty , , Delanty and Jones , Eder , Eliasson , Farrell et al.